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| Zimbabweans must dedicate themselves to the new struggle |
| By Geoffrey Nyarota TWENTY-SEVEN years ago today the new state of Zimbabwe was born after a protracted and bloody struggle for national independence. Thousands of people lost their lives, while thousands more lost limbs, were displaced from their homes or were incarcerated. The majority were unwavering in their commitment to fighting against injustice, political oppression, racial discrimination, denial of basic human rights and relegation to the status of second class citizens in the country of their birth. The celebration of independence on April 18, 1980, was a memorable occasion. It was accompanied by an understandable euphoria as long-suffering Zimbabweans were delivered from the arrogance, racially inspired disdain and intransigence of colonial Rhodesia's white minority leader, Ian Douglas Smith. Apart from white Rhodesians and the few blacks who directly benefited from the discriminatory policies of Smith's rebel regime, the majority celebrated the advent of democracy, the freedom they had yearned for and equality before the law. Robert Gabriel Mugabe, Zimbabwe's new head of state, was heralded as a revolutionary leader, a hero of the liberation struggle and a great international statesman, recognized through out the world. His image and status were enhanced as a result of the much acclaimed policy of racial and political reconciliation, which he enunciated. While most right-thinking citizens still recognize the political significance of this great day, only a handful still have genuine cause to celebrate it. The majority have become committed to a new struggle against injustice, political oppression, discrimination, denial of basic human rights and relegation to the status of second class citizens in the country of their birth. Many of Zimbabwe's founding fathers fell by the wayside, some of them rather ingloriously. Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo, Ndabaningi Sithole and James Chikerema were disappointed and broken men by the time they died. They had been castigated, humiliated and demonized by their erstwhile colleague, Mugabe. While we were both surprised and confused by the turn of events in our new nation, the rest of us watched helplessly from the sidelines. Gradually we became disappointed and frustrated. We, however, remained optimistic that this was but a transient phase. We remained buoyant in our enthusiasm. We boasted that Zimbabwe was unique. Our country would never go the way of Kenneth Kaunda's Zambia, Idi Amin's Uganda, Samora Machel's Mozambique, the Malawi of Hastings Kamuzu Banda and Tanzania under Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. While evidence to the contrary abounded we vowed that Mugabe's rule would be different from that of Nigeria's Sani Abacha, Zaire's Mobutu Sese Seko and Laurent Kabila, Togo's Gnassingbe Eyadema, Somalia's Said Mohamed Barre, the self-proclaimed Emperor Jean-Bedel Bokassa of the Central African Republic, Muammar Gaddafi of Libya, Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia, now in Zimbabwe to escape justice. Mugabe was too educated and astute not to be conscious of the obvious pitfalls of not upholding sound economic management and accountable and transparent government, so we thought. He had surely learnt from the ruinous mistakes made by Kaunda, Machel, Banda, Amin and the rest. The international community, Washington and London, in particular, backed Mugabe, even as he demonstrated he was not the inspired or inspirational leader we had all been foolish enough to believe. As Mugabe government focused its murderous rage on Matabeleland the whole country watched helplessly. The international community wined and dined a man who had clearly become a ruthless tyrant. The world piled honorary degrees on him. Some academic institutions now seek to withdraw their contributions to the Mugabe collection of seemingly meaningless academic achievements. They are embarrassed that the man they honoured has, with total impunity, targeted thousands of Zimbabwe's peaceful and law-abiding citizens with ruthless violence. The political opposition, civil society, the white former commercial farmers, journalists working for the independent press and anyone else viewed as a potential threat to his hold on power, have become victims. The people of Zimbabwe have continued to watch helplessly. Because he was in the forefront of the struggle that brought about our country's liberation, so Mugabe seems to genuinely believe, the people of Zimbabwe therefore owe him their eternal gratitude. Meanwhile, through his arrogance, intolerance and intransigence Mugabe has isolated and transformed our nation into an international pariah. He has wreaked havoc, run down the once vibrant economy of Zimbabwe and brutalised its people without recrimination. While the international community makes token utterances occasionally, the regional leaders have endorsed a public perception that, where the excesses of Mugabe are concerned, they are essentially toothless bulldogs. Despite the opportunity recently presented to them to prove their mettle in Dar es Salaam, they merely issued a communiqué which was remarkable for what it left unsaid. Mugabe has successfully created the impression that he is invincible. But this is a mere illusion. Essentially the President of Zimbabwe is motivated not by an undying love for unmitigated power. Rather, he is driven by a profound fear of retribution once outside State House. It is a self-survival instinct that makes Mugabe cling to power with such steadfast determination. It is a similar syndrome that motivates those on whom Mugabe now relies for his survival. Many such men and women within the ranks of the army, the police, the Central Intelligence Organisation and the war veteran community have alienated themselves from the people by placing themselves in the forefront of the campaign of ruthless violence against innocent and unarmed civilians. The recent arrest and brutal assault and torture of opposition and civil society leaders were the culmination of that campaign. Insiders say Mugabe has now been deserted by most of his once committed senior lieutenants and Zanu-PF stalwarts. They say he has been forsaken by all, save for youthful loyalists, Oppah Muchinguri, Saviour Kasukuwere, Nicholas Goche, Patrick Chinamasa and Elliot Manyika. When the majority of his long-standing pillars of support similarly deserted him back in 2000 Mugabe was rescued by the timely intervention of the mercurial Professor Jonathan Moyo, who instantly became both a devoted supporter and a meticulous spin-doctor. But this epitomizes Mugabe's vulnerability. To start with, such people have a vested interest in his remaining in power. Because they are beneficiaries of Mugabe's strategically distributed resources of patronage their ongoing or growing support for him cannot be out of any principle. Like Mugabe, their major motivation is self preservation. But the Zanu-PF leadership no longer holds the key to our future. Neither is it President Thabo Mbeki alone, whether or not he has the mandate of the SADC leadership. Essentially, it is the citizens of Zimbabwe who should chart the path to a future of peace and prosperity. The frustration of many Zimbabweans with President Mbeki is his error of judgement as reflected in his total failure to realize that in the context of the current Zimbabwe crisis he is holding the wrong end of the stick. For example, Aziz Pahad, his deputy minister of foreign affairs, says there has been "some movement" in Mbeki's mediation in Zimbabwe. Pahad said on Monday that the Mbeki crisis resolution process was at the "pre-dialogue" stage. But Zanu-PF spokesman, Nathan Shamuyarira, has, in total disregard of the spirit of the dialogue, thrown a spanner in the works by stipulating conditions under which his party will sit down to negotiate with the opposition. It appears likely that Mbeki will eventually be humiliated by Mugabe. Rather than engage in negotiations seeking in essence to unify the rival factions of the MDC, Mbeki's time and energy would be better utilised while negotiating an exit package for his peer, Mugabe, on behalf of the people of Zimbabwe. One option open to them is to wait for an opportune moment to punish Mugabe for his sins over the past 27 years while he manipulates electoral processes to grant himself a new term of office. Zimbabwe will slide deeper into economic morass and international isolation. Meanwhile, Mugabe will probably succumb to old age while in office. He would be the winner. If Zimbabwens granted Mbeki the mandate to negotiate a viable exit package for the beleaguered Mugabe, they would also be winners. We cannot continue to be victims of Mugabe's arrogance, intolerance and intransigence while we hold the key to a secure future in our hands. We have a vested interest and should not shy from extending, if necessary for the welfare of our nation, the same hand of reconciliation that Mugabe extended to Ian Smith. I believe I am eminently qualified to make this proposal, having been victim of deprivation, humiliation, torture and incarceration under both Robert Mugabe and Ian Smith. As a parallel process Zimbabweans, particularly those in the Diaspora, must adopt a more proactive stance in supporting the struggle back at home. They can establish a Zimbabwe Rescue Fund to which they will contribute voluntarily in the national interest. There cannot be a shortage of Zimbabweans in the Diaspora who can handle the funds as trustees. Send your comments to: letters@thezimbabwetimes.com This email address is being protected from spam bots, you need Javascript enabled to view it |
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